Who Was Vicente Guerrero?
This question was submitted to us recently by Calvin Ward.
Calvin wrote that he understood Guerrero was the second president of Mexico and that 'a[n] African/Mexican and a slave if I'm not mistake[n].' He also wrote that 'Vicente was once removed from slavery.'
As you can see I k[n]ow very little about [this] and only seen it in literature a few times. I do know he was beloved by the Mexican[s] but him being black made it to where they wouldn't let him be the first president and he won the second election only to be assassinated.
We referred the question to our Facebook group and here are the responses that we received...
One member, Kortnei Morris, said:
I have never heard of him before!
Another group member, Yaotl Anahuac, said:
He was in fact "mullato" (Spaniard and west African) for lack of better terminology.
There are no known portraits of Guerrero from the time he was alive. However, the Mexican writer Guillermo Prieto (1818-1897), who met him in person, described Guerrero as 'tall and wide' with 'stocky arms,' having 'long, thin legs' that were out of proportion to 'his magnificent bust.' Prieto said that Guerrero had a 'dark complexion,' 'course hair, piled up on his forehead,' black eyes of penetration and incomparable sweetness,' and a 'mouth collected and sincere.'
Morris found a 2001 article published in the Journal of Negro History, which elaborates on Guerrero's African ancestry.
The article is titled "The Contributions of Mexico's First Black Indian President, Vicente Guerrero" and it was written by Theodore G. Vincent (1936-2009), author of The Legacy of Vicente Guerrero, Mexico's first Black President (2003).
In the article, Vincent wrote:
Guerrero's African root appears to have come mostly from the future president's father, Pedro, who was in the almost entirely Afro-Mexican profession of mule driver.
According to Mexican researcher and retired history professor Doralicia Carmona Dávila, both of Guerrero's parents, Juan Pedro Guerrero and María Guadalupe Saldaña, were 'Mestizos of Black, indigenous, and Spanish origin, who in the caste society of New Spain suffered racism and marginalization.'
Vincent tells us that Spain had a certain caste system, which carried over into its colonies. Under this system, Mexicans of African descent faced occupational discrimination, heavier taxes, obligatory military service, and tougher punishments for criminal offenses.
Mixed gatherings of any kind were forbidden without first seeking the approval of the government, and even then, these meetings could only be convened in the presence of minister appointed by the government. This included religious services, funerals, fraternal meetings, and college classes.
Black women were banned from wearing ornaments or any form of jewelry.
Books that could potentially spark liberalist sentiments among members of the lower class were banned.
This system had been in place from the 16th century as an extension of the Inquisition in Spain.
Vicente was greatly opposed to this system and it is likely that his attitudes were shaped by his father, who Vincent tells us was 'an intense opponent of slavery.'
One of the customers on Pedro's mule runs was Gabriel Yermo, who owned one of the biggest slave plantations in Mexico.
Morris posted another link to an article by Dr. Talia Weltman-Cisneros, a Spanish professor in the United States who serves as a research consultant for the Autonomous University of Guerrero in Zihuatanejo, Mexico.
Dr. Weltman-Cisneros wrote that Vicente Guerrero is 'celebrated as one of Mexico's most important, national heroes' and that he 'played a significant role in the independence of the new nation and in the abolition of slavery in Mexico.'
GUERRILLA Guerrero And Mighty Morelos
Vicente Guerrero assisted his father by making guns for the resistance movement. In 1810, another Mestizo of African descent, General José María Morelos (1765-1815) invited him to join his army in the revolution against Spain. His ancestry was attested to by Mexican politician Lucas Alamán (1792-1853) and affirmed by Ubaldo Vargas Martinez in his book Morelos, Servant of the Nation (1982).
Morelos called for the formation of a government to guarantee the equal representation and participation of 'all Mexicans' He demanded 'the abolition of slavery, and the elimination of divisions between races and ethnicities.' This was a view that Guerrero found quite agreeable.
With a ragtag militia of muleteers and peasants, Guerrero was able to defeat hundreds of armed and trained royalists.
A series of successful battles catapulted Guerrero to the position of a military leader. After Morelos' capture, torture, humiliation, and execution, Guerrero assumed the rank of general (essentially commander-in-chief of the Mexican army). For the next three years, he resisted the Spanish army in the mountains of Southern Mexico.
The Chilpancingo Congress was dissolved. Its replacement, the Board of Jaujilla, was also dissolved. By 1820, all the officers of the insurgency had been defeated, including the future first president, Guadalupe Victoria (1786-1843). Guerrero stood alone.
Count Juan Ruiz de Apodaca (1754-1835) sent Guerrero's own father, Pedro, in order to persuade him to surrender. He also offered Guerrero a full pardon, a sum of money, and the chance to keep his military rank if he agreed to switch sides. But Guerrero was determined to the very end.
It is said that crying, swollen and hugging the legs of his son Vicente, Don Pedro implored him to accept Apodaca's offer. Guerrero, instead of answering him, addressed his troops in the following terms: “Companions, this old man is my father. He has come to offer me rewards on behalf of the Spaniards. I have always respected my father, but the country is first.”
Agustín de Iturbide (1783-1824), a Creole (understood in this context as a native Mexican of Spanish descent), was sent to crush the rebellion. He was granted supplies and reinforcements, promising to end Guerrero's reign in three months tops.
However, Guerrero's forces proved themselves superior.
Iturbide started to weigh his options. He saw how public opinion was rising in favor of secession. There was a liberal uprising in Spain. The indigenous and Black people of Mexico were ready for social change. For the most part, members of the clergy, who were known to take the more conservative approach to political matters, were also on board.
The Rumblings of ReBellion
Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla (1753-1811), himself a Creole, was one such priest. Hidalgo was sympathetic to the plight of the rebels until he, too, became both a rebel, and a rebel of rebels. Hidalgo led thousands of Mexico's oppressed - the poor and the outcasts - in a war against the colonial government.
Hidalgo announced the revolution in a sermon before a congregation of mostly indigenous people on September 16, 1810.
My children, this day comes to us as a new dispensation. Are you ready to receive it? Will you be free? Will you make an effort to recover from the hated Spaniards the lands stolen from your forefathers three hundred years ago?
It was reported that the people shouted:
Hail to the Virgin of Guadalupe, down with bad government, death to the gachupines!
A painting of the Virgin Mary was made into a banner. Then, the group raided a guard post for weapons and declared Hidalgo "captain general of America."
At the outset of this uprising, Father Hidalgo was joined by other priests and intellectuals. But some Creoles, seeing indigenous people and Mestizos (people of mixed ancestry) flocking towards the resistance in droves, perceived Hidalgo's movement as a threat to their social privileges. Professor of Mexican history John Tutino noted that 15% of the local population was comprised of people of African descent. Research by Cuban musicologist Rolando Antonio Pérez Fernández further reveals that it was the songs of the Afro-Mexican community that fed the movement in the early years.
Manuel Abad y Queipo (1751-1825), the elected Bishop and Governor of the city of Michoacán, published an edict on September 24, 1810, which read as follows:
Omne regnum in se divisum desolabitur
On October 8, 1810, Abad y Queipo wrote another edict addressed to the colonial authorities 'reiterating statements made in...edicts from September 24th and 30th' against 'Priest Hidalgo and his henchmen.'
The priest Hidalgo's project constitutes a particular cause of civil war, anarchy, and destruction, efficient and necessary among the Indians, castes, and Spaniards, who make up all the Children of the country.
It was Hidalgo who inspired Morelos to revolt against Spain, being both a mentor and trainer to the young rebel. Thus, Guerrero had actually enlisted Hidalgo's war when he joined Morelos on December 15, 1810.
Like Morelos, Hidalgo, who is generally considered "The Father of Mexican Independence," never got to see the fulfillment of that dream he was fighting for.
He was captured on March 21, 1811 and, four months later, became a martyr for the cause.
And so it was that Iturbide, recognizing a rare opportunity to turn the tide against Spain, exploited it. He invited Guerrero to join him. Together, they would free México.
A Fated Encounter
Guerrero's grandson, Vicente Riva Palacio (1832-1896), was also a military man in his own right, attaining the rank of general and chief of the Centralist Army in 1865.
Riva Palacio donated a number of Guerrero's belongings to the National Museum of History, including his uniform, his saber, his switchblade, his pickaxe, a silk band he was wearing when he was shot, armchairs, and a flag. He claimed that some of these objects were extracted from Guerrero's burial site in Oaxaca when his body was exhumed in 1842.
In 1888, Vicente Riva Palacio published a book on the history of Mexico.
In that book, he described the events that transpired during the transition of power from Guerrero to Agustín de Iturbide, and eventually to Victoria. Iturbide was the unofficial first president, whose term began when he declared himself emperor on May 19, 1822 and ended with his abdication on March 19, 1823.
Guerrero agreed to meet with Iturbide to discuss the independence of México.
Reva Palacio records that Guerrero's friend Don Lorenzo de Zavala (1788-1836), who later served as the Secretary of Finance for the young government, documented the meeting in the town of Acatémpam. The troops of both leaders stopped about a canon shot from each other. They embraced. Then, Iturbide said:
I can't explain the satisfaction I feel when I am in the presence of a patriot who has sustained the noble cause of independence and he has survived only so many disasters, having kept the sacred fire of freedom alive. Receive this just tribute that pays homage to your courage and your virtues.
I, sir, congratulate my country because it recovers on this day a son, whose value and knowledge have been so dangerous.
After he learned Iturbide's plans once more, he turned to his officers and his solders and he said:
This Mexican you have Present is Mr. Don Agustín de Iturbide, whose sword has been for nine years fatal to the cause that we hold. Today he swears to defend national interests; and to me, having led you to the fighting and of whom you cannot doubt, that he will die while maintaining independence, I am the first to recognize Mr. Iturbide as the first head of the national army.
While other writers attest to its credibility, another historian, Lucas Alamán (1792-1853), wrote that this exchange never occurred. Rather, Guerrero sent another officer, Don José Figueroa (1792-1835), in his place.
Embrace of Acatempan, between Iturbide (left) and Guerrero (right)
National Museum of History, Mexico
(Source: Wikipedia Commons)
Either way, we can be certain that Guerrero was instrumental in securing the rights of the Mexican people. Having conceded defeat, it was Guerrero who appointed Iturbide to leadership, contingent upon his own terms.
Riva Palacio remarks of that occasion:
Guerrero's self-denial was truly admirable, and honors him as much as his unaffected fortitude and his indomitable bravery during the long years in which he maintained, almost alone, the fire of the insurrection in the Southern mountains.
Guerrero, he says, submitted himself willingly to his new boss.
Drawing upon the writings of the historian José María Lafragua (1813-1875), Riva Palacio delves deeper into his grandfather's personality.
To recognize as boss the fiercest of his enemies, of the most robust support from the Spanish government, which for so many years had shed the blood of the Mexicans, and recognize him with no more guarantee than his word of honor, it was, it is necessary to confess, an action eminently heroic and of which few examples exist in history. That generous abdication, that willing obedientcia, proves the greatness of Guerrero's soul, that he would forget pride, resentments, honors, glory, ambition, power, everything, in the service of the country.
The Plan For The New Nation
Iturbide published a newspaper called The Independent Mexican, which became the official organ of the revolution.
Once copies of this paper reached the people of Iguala, he gathered his troops and officers there on February 24, 1821 to outline a manifesto, which has come to be called the "Plan of Iguala." This plan was 'addressed to the inhabitants all of New Spain, without distinction of origin or birth.'
In summary, Riva Palacio says:
Based on the teaching of history and in the natural course of human things, he declared that the independence of Mexico was a necessity.
The nations of Europe sprouted from a soil that was fertilized by more ancient civilizations from which they emancipated themselves.
Spain had done its part in planting the seed. Now it was their time to rule.
Iturbide outlined his plan for the new nation.
The plan proclaimed by Iturbide included the following items:
Many who heard these words were disillusioned by the clear disconnect with Europe and the constant state of war. They longed for a sense of normalcy again. The promise of peace and the restoration of their society was appealing to them. For the time being, they were receptive to Iturbide's proposal for a constitutive monarchy.
What's more is that the plight of the Blacks, the Mulattoes, the indigenous people, and the Mestizos was not forgotten.
12. All the inhabitants of New Spain, without distinction of their European, African, or Indian origins are citizens of this monarchy with with full freedom to pursue their livelihoods according to their merits and virtues.
The Iguala Plan was based on three guarantees: Freedom (from Spain), Religion (with Roman Catholicism being the only accepted religion in the new nation), and Union (with all inhabitants of Mexico to be regarded as equals).
Iturbide's message resounded most with the Criollos and the Peninsulars (colonists born in Spain).
European Spaniards! Your homeland is America, because in it you live. In it you have your beloved women, your tender children, your farms, commerce, and goods.
Iturbide marched into Cuernavaca with 'some hundreds of soldiers and the Negroes of the farms of Yermo.' In the hearing of those who were formerly enslaved, he made this proclamation:
You will no longer suffer the yoke of some oppressors, whose language is insult, artifice and lies, and whose law is encrypted in their ambition, revenge, and resentment.
On March 1, 1821, Iturbide was proclaimed head of the Ejército Trigarante ("Army of the Three Guarantees"), with the full endorsement of Vicente Guerrero.
As Spain refused to accept the terms of the Treaty of Córdoba, drafted in August 1821, Iturbide, with the support of the army and the Mexican majority, declared himself emperor.
But due to his refusal to accept Congressional authority, his administration's mismanagement of funds, his failing reputation, and his pursuit of political opponents, Iturbide's reign was short lived. Eventually, dissatisfaction against the imperial model grew in favor of a republican form of government.
On December 2, 1822, the fledgling government was declared illegitimate.
But Emperor Augustin would not go down without a fight.
Guerrero and Victoria, now opposed to Iturbide, joined one of Morelos' former officers, Nicolás Bravo (1786-1854), against him.
The Struggle Continues
In 1823, when Iturbide was finally deposed, a Triumvirate composed of Bravo, Victoria, and Pedro Celestino Negrete (1777-1846), assumed executive power. The Congressional resolution, which provided for this arrangement, stated that they would 'act alternately for one month as president.'
The reason why Guerrero was not given priority, despite all the sacrifices that he made for his country, is that during the Battle of Almolonga on January 23, 1823, while leading a charge against Iturbide's army, Guerrero suffered a debilitating lung injury. It must be noted that he turned down an offer to serve as the commandant general for the state of Vera Cruz, citing his poor state of health. When Bravo, Victoria, and Negrete left the capital to help restore order. Guerrero was named as a one of the substitutes for the Triumvirate. Later, he became a primary member.
Luis de Quintanar (1772-1837) and Anastasio Bustamante (1780-1853), the governor and military commander of the western state of Jalisco, were suspected of staging a mutiny against the government to avenge Iturbide's deposition. They were defeated by Nicolás Bravo and arrested.
Seeking reconciliation and swearing his support for the republic, Iturbide returned from exile. He was mercilessly executed, a beggar.
Again, due to his ill health, Guerrero was unable to stop another uprising in Oaxaca. Victoria went in his place and returned - well...victorious. As a result, Victoria cemented his own reputation as a national hero.
Elections were held in 1824. Guerrero ran for the presidency, but Victoria won the vote with 14 states. Bravo came second with 6. Guerrero, having only 3 votes, was tied with General Manuel Gómez Pedraza (1789-1851). To add insult to injury, he lost in the run-off for the vice-presidency against Bravo. Guerrero would spend the next two-and-a-half years in recovery before accepting a position as President of the Supreme War Court in May of 1827.
As master of the the Rosa Mexicana lodge of Freemasonry, Guerrero was able to secure political support among army and military officials.
Nicolás Bravo attempted another coup but Guerrero took up arms and sent him into exile. The opposition party had lost a key leader.
In the election of September 1828, Pedraza won with 11 votes. Guerrero came close with 9. Bustamante was next in line.
Dávila says that Guerrero was the primary candidate for the Yorkians and his opponent was Bustamante. It was Pedraza who abused his power as Minister of War to claim the victory and to appeal for a direct appointment through Congress by a slim margin of votes.
Two weeks later, General Antonio López de Santa Anna (1794-1876), a staunch supporter of Guerrero, took up arms and demanded that Guerrero be instated as president. For Santa Anna, Guerrero seemed the likely winner. Santa Anna was looking forward to a promotion. Guerrero was motivated by his desire, from early in his life, to change the system once and for all. This was his chance to end the racial divide. Now, it seemed that change was out of reach.
Dávila alleges that it was Guerrero and Lorenzo de Zavala (1788-1836), the governor of the State of Mexico, who first rose up against Pedraza and Santa Anna joined in later.
Fearing the worst, Gómez Pedraza relinquished his title and fled the country on December 3rd. In the days that followed, a mob of 5,000 laid seige to the capital.
Victoria appointed the well-respected Guerrero as his Secretary of War and peace was restored to Mexico.
Guerrero was the natural successor for the presidency. He promised a people's government that would emphasize education, agriculture, and manufacturing.
When he was elected by Congress in 1829, Guerrero served in this position for only eight months. He is remembered most for his refusal to sell Texas to the United States, the institution of higher taxes on the rich to help the poor, the abolition of the death penalty, and his decree for the abolition of slavery on September 15, 1829, officially reaffirming declarations made previously by Victoria, Iturbide, and Hidalgo.
His administration fell under intense scrutiny for the fact that a "Negro" was at the head. For his cabinet, Guerrero incorporated an assortment of liberals and conservatives in an effort to promote unity. Consequentially, its polities were judged as weak and inconsistent.
Guerrero was widely known as a hot-blooded military man, but as head of state, he was markedly meek and remarkably courteous. To some, Vicente Guerrero seemed a shadow of his former self.
That all came to a head with the greatest test of his leadership.
Eight years after independence, the Spanish government sent General Isidro Barradas (1782-1835) to re-conquer Mexico for the Spanish Crown.
In response, President Guerrero sent Santa Anna to meet Barrados on the West Coast, while he sent his vice-president, Anastasio Bustamante with a force of reserve troops further South to Jalapa, just in case there were other fleets approaching.
William Leist Readwin Cates (1821–1895) wrote in the 1867 Dictionary of General Biography that Guerrero was 'invested with extraordinary powers' to save Mexico from the invasion, but after Santa Anna's victory, Guerrero's 'unwillingness to relinquish the dictatorship' was used as the pretext for a coup.
On December 4, 1829, Bustamante announced the Jalapa Plan to nullify his legitimacy. Guerrero was then deposed by his own vice-president.
With Guerrero in exile, Congress was forced to declare him "unable to govern" the country and the mantle passed on to Bustamante.
Guerrero decided to mount a rebellion to reclaim his office.
In September, 1830, he collected a large force at Valladolid, and established a form of government in opposition to that of Bustamente, and the whole country was agitated by troops in arms.
Bustamante tasked his Secretary of War, General Antonio Facio (1790-1836), with Guerrero's capture. Facio met with Guerrero's weapons supplier, a Genoese sailor named Francisco Picaluga (1792-1836), who agreed to betray his friend in exchange for 50,000 pesos.
Picaluga invited Guerrero and his companions to a banquet in their honor aboard his ship Colombo. He then sailed to a beach in Huatulco and delivered him to the government.
On February 14, 1831, in the town of Cuilapam, near Oaxaca, Guerrero was tried by a war council and executed by firing squad.
The account of the betrayal comes from Carlos María de Bustamante (1774-1848), who served as a deputy in the first independent Congress established by Morelos.
For his role in the affair, Picaluga was later executed in Italy as 'an enemy of the country and of the state.'
The Legacy of a Legend
Group member Yaotl Anahuac offers more on the legacy of Vincent Guerrero:
...Due to his assistance in the abolishment [sic] of slavery in Mexico many slaves from the south of the US fled to Mexico also, Cinco de Mayo, my birthday might I add, [which] that took place on that day stop[ped] the French from supplying the South there for [sic] assisting in the South's defeat during the Civil War.
William Forrest Sprague wrote in his book Vicente Guerrero: Mexican Liberator: A Study in Patriotism (1939):
The removal of President Guerrero and his later capture and execution was a very important early event in the destruction of the dream for independence of the state of Texas and other northern Mexican states within a democratic and Federalist Republic of Mexico.
At the time that the government of Guerrero abolished slavery, slaves numbered just over 5% of the population of Texas. Even though less than one in ten Blacks remained enslaved (actually close to 3%), a majority of free Blacks were employed in menial positions. Most of them were house servants for the upper class.
It is important to note that Guerrero could not have made this possible without the dictatorial powers granted to him in that moment of national crisis several months prior.
This is what he clearly identified in the opening line of his decree.
The President of the United States of Mexico, know ye:
This decree triggered a state of panic throughout the Texas territory and the adjoining states.
It was only after two wars (The Texas Revolution from 1835-1836 and The Mexican-American War from 1846-1846) that Mexico lost more than half of its land to the U.S. government and Texas was made the stronghold of a seditious slaveocracy.
Slavery would continue in Canada for another four years and for almost four decades in the United States.
During that same period, Black Americans would cross the border to freedom by the thousands.
For this, Jamaican historian J. A. Rogers (1880-1966) referred to Guerrero as the George Washington and Abraham Lincoln of Mexico.
As an added compromise with the conservatives and the Criollo elites, Guerrero's decree provided for reparations to the slave-owners 'when the circumstances of the treasury may permit.' But that was not good enough for his adversaries. Guerrero had forgotten his place. Guerrero had to go.
In his efforts to secure the liberty of all people, he had sealed his own fate.
Nevertheless, we will remember Guerrero for the sacrifices he made to guarantee the freedoms that we enjoy today.
We will remember, too, the men and women who paved the way.
We will remember Morelos.
This monument stands at the former House of the Viceroys, where Morelos was held before his execution. It was built in 1864 and unveiled to the public in 1912. The site is now the location of a library, a museum, and a community center. Also in Mexico City, there is a monument in the garden of the Citadel, where Morelos was first imprisoned, and on Mexico-Tacuba Road. Other monuments can be found in Matamoros, Morelia (his birthplace), and Guanajuato. Yet another monument stands in the city of Cuautla within the state of Morelos at Morelos Square and the greatest of all is the 40-meter statue on the island of Janitzio.
In Puebla, there is a school named in his honor.
His epitaph is dedicated 'to the memory of the greatest hero in our history.'
It was Morelos, a Black man, who held high the peoples' banner at a time when the loyalist Iturbide was resolved against them.
It was another Black man, Guerrero, who advocated for the freedom of his people. It was the equality of all citizens, regardless of their race, which convinced Guerrero to concede his authority to Iturbide. As a direct result of their negotiations, abolition was achieved.
Guerrero's remains are now at the Column of Independence in Mexico City.
His name is inscribed with gold letters in the Hall of Congress (with that of Morelos and other early leaders) and it is currently mandated by law that on February 14, the flag should be raised at half staff as a sign of national mourning for the "Hero of the Fatherland."
Group member Charles Tolbert wrote:
Vicente Guerrero’s last name was honored and that’s what made the state of Guerrero, Mexico. If you visit the state of Guerrero you’ll see A LOT of Mexicans of African descent living there.
Indeed, the concentration of Black Mexicans in the Costa Chica Region of Guerrero is well-documented. Afro-Mexicans have been around for a very long time.
From 1521 to 1821, African people and Afro-Mestizos outnumbered the Spanish by as much as three to one. As recent as 2016, the Mexican government has started to recognize Afro-Mexicans as a unique segment of the population. But there is still more work to be done.
As Anahuac said:
African Roots Run Deep in Mexico - deeper than some would like to admit.
That is why highlighting the contributions of heroes like Vicente Guerrero and José María Morelos, and other Afro-Mexican leaders like José Antonio Torres (1760-1812), Gordiano Guzmán (1789-1854), the brothers Pablo (1780-1844) and Hermenegildo Galeana (1762-1814), President Juan Álvarez (1790-1867), President Lázaro Cárdenas (1895-1970), and Morelos' son President Juan Almonte (1803-1869) is so important in the context of Mexican history and in the politics of Latin America today.
Guerrero stands out to us for his uncompromising stand for equality and for representing his people all the way. His tenacious wife "Generala" Guadalupe and their daughter Dolores carried on his spirit along with his son-in-law Mariano and grandson Vicente.
Dr. Weltman-Cisneros says that, in her view, Gurrero should be praised throughout the world as a leader of liberty, independence, and peace.
Vincent concludes his article by saying that from his perspective, Guerrero deserves deeper study than he has received.
As for me, after all I've learned about this great man, I can't agree more.
For a general overview of Guerrero's Life and the Struggle for Mexico's Independence, read these documents (in Spanish), courtesy of the Government of Mexico:
"Major-General Vicente Guerrero (1732-1831)"
Military and Marine Highlights
"The Consummation of Independence"
For more on the African contributions to Mexico's independence, check out the 1994 article "The Blacks Who Freed Mexico" by Ted Vincent and, if you can find it, the 1930 article "The Negro Who Freed Mexico" by J. A. Rogers.
Scientific Researcher, Independent Historian, and Co-Founder of Black Research Central
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